The opinion piece in The Guardian by Stephen Phillips MP has been praised by many as making a good case for the involvement of the House of Commons in the Brexit process. On that point his piece is solid, but on another issue I think he misses the point. I summed it up in this tweet:
[tweet 786132961276157952 hide_thread=’true’]
This prompted responses from Tom King and David Allen Green, essentially telling me I was wrong:
[tweet 786133848958435328 hide_thread=’true’]
[tweet 786133640552050688 hide_thread=’true’]
Let’s try to take this one apart. I’ll start with the relevant paragraphs of Phillips’s piece:
Believing that we should be able to throw out of office the people who make the rules, and knowing from my membership of the European scrutiny committee in the House of Commons that we couldn’t, I exercised my own vote in favour of leave […] I persuaded myself that the sovereignty of the parliament in which I sat was more important…
although we would leave the EU, we would remain in the single market to which the manifesto of every major political party at the last election committed us
I see a pretty major contradiction here.
The EU Single Market only works because EU Law is supreme over national law. The rules for what pesticides are used by a farmer in Spain or in Poland are the same – so the crops, once harvested, can then freely and safely be traded right across the EU without further checks. The standards on how an old television has to be manufactured or recycled, likewise – so the same televisions can be brought to market anywhere in the EU. The list goes on and on.
If the UK were to leave the Single Market it could regain control over these sorts of things – set its own rules on pesticides, or decide to allow more heavy metals in the manufacture of a television. But then, in return, these products might not be allowed to be sold in the rest of the EU, and manufacturing to two different standards is costly – hence the economic worries about this sort of out-of-the-Single-Market option.
So then, essentially, all of this seems to boil down to a distinction between a one off sovereign decision, and what you might call everyday sovereignty.
As Tom King further argues, Parliament could take the sovereign decision to bind the UK into the Single Market – only for it by so doing to cede everyday market decisions to the EU once more. That might mean that the UK gains a little bit of sovereignty over the areas that are outside the scope of the Single Market (farm subsidies or fishing quotas for example), but EU Law would remain sovereign over UK national law in all areas relating to the Single Market, and the UK would not regain full control over how laws applying to the UK in those areas were made.
Hence I wonder how much use such a one-off decision would be – it strikes me that such a vote to bind the UK into the Single Market, were it to be taken in, say, 2017, would not be any substantively different to the vote of the Commons in 1972 to agree the European Communities Act that took the UK into the EU. The Commons is, even on that and still to this day, theoretically sovereign – it could repeal the Act and take the UK out of the EU, but in practice it is not sovereign on an everyday basis – because EU law is supreme over national law.
So – to cut this long story short – I see what’s commonly known by now as “Soft Brexit” as being the economically less damaging sort of Brexit, but – from a political point of view – it does very little to restore the sovereignty of the UK Parliament on an everyday basis.
That’s why, in my view, the only thing that is not a loss of sovereignty and is not economically damaging, is actually for the UK to stay in the EU. But give the Hard Brexiteers their due, a hard Brexit at least would be a bit more of a sovereignty gain – but at a considerable economic cost.